09/10/2025
Like many recent elections, the results of the Czech parliamentary vote have propelled the country into a new era of political uncertainty, testing both the strength of its institutions and the patience of its citizens.
Despite his big win in the parliamentary vote, former Prime Minister Andrej Babiš did not secure a majority, which means he will need support from outside his party to form a government. However, apart from the small far-right parties, the anti-Green Deal ‘Motorists for Themselves’, and the anti-immigrant Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD), none of the other parties is likely to collaborate with him. Babiš still aspires to rule alone, which would leave him in a weakened position where he may have to rely on the tacit support of others. His most likely allies, ‘Motorists for Themselves’, part of the Patriots for Europe group in the European Parliament, which Babiš co-founded, may not automatically back him if their demands are not met. While they might find common ground in their opposition to the Green Deal, the Motorists’ insistence on a balanced budget is likely to clash with Babiš’s spending plans.
But the uncertainty does not end there.
Winning the election does not guarantee that Andrej Babiš will be appointed prime minister. Under the Czech Constitution, the president retains the discretion to appoint the person asked to form a government. President Petr Pavel has already signalled he may withhold the appointment if doubts remain about Babiš’s legal situation or conflicts of interest stemming from the so-called ‘Stork’s Nest’ case. He is awaiting a final verdict from the Prague district court, not on whether he defrauded the EU of €2 million so that his vast Agrofert business empire could receive subsidies intended for smaller firms, as the higher court has already indicated its part of responsibility in the case. Now, the district court’s role is to decide on concrete sanctions, but only if the parliament decides, for the fourth time already, to waive his immunity. However, Babiš already announced that, unlike in 2017, 2018 and 2022, he will not ask the parliament to do so.
In June, President Petr Pavel expressed hope for legal clarity before the vote. However, the verdict will now be announced only after the election, meaning the question of who will lead the next government remains open. There is, however, one sign of hope in this confusing picture: most anti-democratic and anti-EU parties performed worse than predicted. The far-left coalition Stačilo! (‘Enough’), which calls for leaving both NATO and the EU and favours closer ties with Russia, failed to pass the 5 per cent threshold to enter parliament. The Eurosceptic and anti-immigration SPD won only 8 per cent, far below its projected 13 per cent. This is a good signal for whatever comes next. It shows that while many citizens are frustrated, they are not fully embracing the politics of exit or isolation.
Nevertheless, the results of the Czech parliamentary elections remind us that when people feel insecure, when their energy bills rise, when wages stagnate, when pensions lose value, populism finds fertile ground. Babiš, echoing the slogans of Donald Trump, built his campaign on promises of cheaper energy, higher pensions, and that ‘Yes, it will be better again’. The domestic version of ‘Make Czechia Great Again’.
Just like many populists, it is impossible to know if any of those campaign slogans will ever materialise into any sort of social progress for people. What history does show, however, is that lasting progress comes not from isolation, but from cooperation – a Europe that protects, invests, and stands with its workers. And populists compensate for the shortcomings in real policies with highly effective power-grabbing measures, dismantling checks and balances, and undermining democratic procedures.
The business and media mogul’s populist message resonated because many Czech citizens are frustrated by austerity policies, sluggish economic growth and high inflation. They see the single market’s freedoms, but not enough protection against precarious work. They see the green transition but fear it will leave industrial workers behind. They see European solidarity with Ukraine but worry about being forgotten themselves. Take energy, for example. Populists promise ‘cheap energy’ by clinging to fossil fuels or national deals, but this is an illusion. The only sustainable path to affordable, secure energy lies in joint European investments and shared infrastructure. By pooling our strength, the EU can shield households from price shocks and accelerate the shift to renewables without sacrificing jobs.
We can not allow our democracies to become commodities in the hands of the super-rich. We are increasingly witnessing how billionaires use control of government to advance personal financial interests. Those who have made money the defining purpose of their lives are increasingly capturing our governing institutions. Our democracies and rights are not for sale. We are entering a decade of profound transformation, one that will test the strength of our solidarity and the resilience of our democracies. Artificial intelligence is reshaping workplaces and putting pressure on wages and working conditions. Climate change is disrupting lives, industries and entire regions. Meanwhile, multinational corporations and billionaires exploit loopholes, avoid taxes and undermine collective bargaining while weaponising people’s fears and turning workers against workers and neighbour against neighbour.
The lesson from Prague is clear: voters may surely worry about our geopolitical situation, but ultimately, it is the inability to make ends meet that moves them. When Europe fails to inspire hope of a better future, populists fill the void. If we want to stop the slide toward nationalism, we must ensure a Europe for everyone.
Photo credits: Shutterstock.com/Jan Hospodka
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