René REPASI

Member of the European Parliament, S&D Group, and Professor of Law at Erasmus University Rotterdam

The world is sliding into a new order where the strong impose their rule and the rest adapts. Europe, with all its economic might, should be shaping that order – not bending to it. Yet the trade deal struck with the United States in Scotland told a different story: one of submission, not of strategy. And in her State of the Union address, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen lacked the responsibility to act that Europe so urgently needs.

Von der Leyen opened her speech with an attempt at a battle cry: “Europe must fight”, in a world where “battlelines for a new world order based on power are being drawn right now”. But once again, such declarations stop at just that – being declared. Von der Leyen is Europe’s champion of announcements, not, however, of delivery. Since the start of her new mandate, we have already heard of more than 250 initiatives being announced. Rather than finally putting them into practice, Europe saw even more piled on. 

What we need are concrete steps for defence, social security and competitiveness – backed by numbers, by realistic plans for financing and by instruments. Instead, in Strasbourg, we exited with familiar headlines lacking meaningful substance: proposals without budgets, roadmaps without deadlines.

The truth is: Europe entered the negotiations for a trade deal with the US from a position of weakness. Our eastern flank is under threat, our defence stretched, our fiscal space shrinking under the twin demands of higher defence spending and competitiveness goals. Yet weakness is not the whole story – Europe remains the world’s largest exporter, a genuine trading powerhouse. That strength should have been our leverage.

Instead, in Scotland, it was squandered. What could have been framed honestly as a reluctant compromise was paraded by von der Leyen as a triumph. Behind her rhetoric of the “best possible deal” lay not a tactical pause, not the opening move of a long game, but a retreat dressed up as victory. And in doing so, she undermined the very essence of European integration: that we are stronger together, that we defend multilateralism, that we do not bow to bullying.

By presenting weakness as victory, Von der Leyen reduced the Union to the lowest common denominator. In Scotland, Europe’s principles and power were both put on the table – and sold away too cheaply.

When the Commission President centralises power while striking one-sided deals abroad, it is democratic accountability that is weakened and decisions that are taken further away from the people whose lives they shape. And this is no exception: it has been a pattern we have seen repeated since the start of Von der Leyen’s second mandate. From the SAFE defence financing scheme – pushed through under an emergency clause that bypassed the European Parliament – to the trade deal in Scotland, the method is always the same: power concentrated in the Commission, democratic oversight diminished and citizens left to bear the very material consequences.

By leaving punitive tariffs on steel and aluminium untouched, our steelworkers, machinery producers and exporters are now bracing for impact. In Germany, where prosperity rests on fair trade and industrial strength, the risks are acute: export industries face distorted competition, jobs are put at risk and entire regions that depend on manufacturing feel the pressure.

This is why Parliament’s role matters. It is the only directly elected institution of the Union and the only guarantee that European policy reflects the needs of workers, communities and citizens. Bypassing it – whether in trade negotiations or in instruments like the SAFE regulation – means weakening the one voice that speaks for the people. 

For Social Democrats, this is not a procedural quibble. It is about protecting Europe’s democracy at home so that Europe can defend its strength abroad.

And yet, while industry, workers and regions prepare for impact, Von der Leyen’s speech let them down in the most critical way: it offered no vision for Europe’s social dimension. The promise of good work and social rights was left aside, as if they were a luxury for better times. No clarity on how the EU will fund the fight against poverty or deliver on the Child Guarantee. No real plan to protect workers from the pressures of digitalisation, whether from AI at the workplace or the erosion of basic rights like fair mobility and the right to disconnect. These are not side issues. They are the foundation of social stability – without them, Europe risks losing the trust of its citizens.

This is where we, as Social Democrats, must step in. Our task is to ensure that Europe is not just a trading power or a military spender, but a community that guarantees dignity, fairness and security for all who live and work here. We know that Europe’s strength lies not in submission abroad or centralisation without accountability at home, but in working to define reforms and policies that will protect workers and invest in people. Here, the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act stand as the clearest test: will Europe translate its legislative power into real sovereignty?

The recent fine against Google’s adtech service shows that we have the right tools at our disposal – but their credibility depends on consistent, determined enforcement, not hesitation or compromise.
If Europe falters, it risks undermining both the rule of law and citizens’ trust that their rights will be defended even in the face of the mounting external pressure of monopolies. That is why enforcing the digital acquis is a clear priority on which the Social Democrats will not bend. We will fight, so that our systems for the rule of law and single market remain the backbone of a fairer, stronger Europe – one that protects its citizens at home and speaks with confidence abroad.

Photo credits: European Union, 2025